Oslo, 2-5 September 2004 - The Oslo Coalition on Freedom of Religion or
Belief
By Golnar
Mehran
Associate
Professor of Education
Al-Zahra
University
Religion has a strong presence in Iranian education, reflecting the command of religious ideology in the country since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979. The religio-political leaders of Iran have aimed at Islamizing the young mainly through the formal education system. State-religious education in the Islamic Republic is used to create a strong Shi’i identity, bring about a sense of loyalty and devotion to the ruling religio-political elite, and promote acceptance of the governance of the religious jurisprudent (velayat-e faqih). Religious education in Iran is thus marked by a close link between politics and religion.
A uniform curriculum, standard textbooks, and extensive extra-curricular activities are used throughout the country to instill religious values in schoolchildren. In fact, Iran ranks fifth among fifty four countries studied in terms of percentage of teaching time allocated to religious education during the first six years of formal schooling. Iranian schools spend an average of 13.9 percent of time teaching religion, following Saudi Arabia (31 percent), Yemen (28.2 percent), Qatar (15.5 percent), and Libya (14.3 percent).
Iranian education is openly and avowedly religious. In 1987, the Ministry of Education stated that the fundamental goal of Iranian schooling is to “strengthen the spiritual beliefs of schoolchildren through the explanation and instruction of the principles. . .of Islam and Shi’ism on the basis of reason, the Qur’an, and the traditions of the Innocent Ones,” referring to the Prophet Mohammad, his daughter Fatemeh, and the twelve Shi’i Imams. To reach the above goal, Iranian schools were asked to:
Such goals not only illustrate the religious nature of Iranian education, but also point to the link between religion and politics in formal schooling.
The key role of religion in Iranian schooling is illustrated in the
following statement: “the mission of
education is the overall development of schoolchildren based on the teachings
and orders of Islam.” The above applies
to all Iranian pupils with the exception of officially recognized religious
minorities, including Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. According to Principle 13 of the
Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, religious minorities are free in
the compilation and teaching of their own religious textbooks, based on their
holy book, customs, and traditions, under the supervision of the Ministry of
Education. According to Principle 12 of
the Constitution, the Ministry of Education is obliged to ensure that the
religious education of non-Shi’i followers of Islam is in accordance to their
own jurisprudence. In addition, religious minorities have to
pass their own religious education examinations based on the textbooks compiled
for non-Muslims. The latter are also
exempt from taking examinations on the Qur’an.
The entire student population is exempt from taking exams during the
times of Shi’i mourning, during the months of Ramadan (coinciding with the
martyrdom of Imam Ali) and Muharram (coinciding with the commemoration of
‘Ashura and the martyrdom of Imam Hossein in the battle of Karbala). Armenians schools can also close during
Christian holidays.
An analytical study of religious studies textbooks in Iran point to
a deliberate attempt on the part of educational authorities to create a
distinct religious and political identity among the schoolchildren. There is an emphasis on “we” and “us” as
Shi’i Muslims who live in an Islamic state, marked by a close link between
religion and politics and governed by the religious jurisprudent. Iranian children are told that they are
different from “them” although the “other” is seldom portrayed in negative
terms. Juan Carlos Tedesco argues that
identity construction “implies the identification of what is ‘different,’ or
the identification of a borderline.” The first step, however, is to know oneself;
discovery of “others” depends on the discovery of the “self.” Religious education in the Islamic Republic
has, accordingly, aimed at defining the “self” by delineating the
characteristics of an ideal Muslim—a pious Shi’i and a loyal follower of the velayat-e
faqih.
A content and pictorial analysis of religious education textbooks used at all levels of formal education indicates that one of the main themes introduced through religious instruction at schools is the Muslim/non-Muslim dichotomy. Iranian schoolchildren are introduced to a dichotomous world in which there is a clear distinction between “us” and “them.” In other words, the identity of the “self” is defined in relation to the “other.” One of the most important distinctions made in religious studies textbooks is the definition of a Muslim. Eight-year-old Iranians are asked “Who is a Muslim?” and then told that a Muslim is one who:
1. Believes in the one and only God and the afterlife.
2. Regards Prophet Mohammad as God’s last prophet.
3. Obeys the orders of God and Prophet Mohammad in all affairs.
4. Is the friend of Muslims and the enemy of oppressors.
Pupils are then told that the “opposite” of being a Muslim is being an unbeliever or infidel (kafar). Kafar is defined as “one who denies God or believes that God has a partner, or does not accept the prophethood of prophets; a kafar is impure (najes).”
It is important to note that non-Muslim believers are never
introduced as the opposite of Muslims. In fact, there is constant respect for
believers and their Prophets. Second
graders are told that “God’s major Prophets” are Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus,
and Mohammad, and “we, Muslims, respect all Prophets.” Fourth
graders learn that according to the sixth Shi’i Imam, one should “help the
needy even if they are not Muslim” since God likes assisting all human beings.
A significant portion of religious studies textbooks are dedicated tot the life, teachings, and miracles of other Prophets, especially Moses and Jesus. Primary school textbooks contain moral stories that deal with the deeds of the two Prophets during their lifetime. Moses is introduced as “the Prophet of God” and students are told that the sayings of Mohammad are the same as those of Jesus; “both are the words of God.” Although Zoroastrians are officially recognized as a religious minority in Iran, the Zoroastrian Prophet is never mentioned in schoolbooks designed for Muslim students.
In general, religious studies textbooks in Iran aim at emphasizing the commonalities of all religions by noting that it is wrong to say the religion of Abraham, the religion of Jews, the religion of Jesus, and the religion of Islam, since “from the point of view of the Qur’an, the religion of God is the same from Adam to Mohammad.” Schoolchildren are told that the foundation of the Prophets’ religion is all the same, inviting humans to the same truth. All “heavenly religions” are based on three principles: faith in the one and only God (towhid); belief in the afterlife (ma’ad); and faith in the Prophets (nabovvat). Prophets also share in common their struggle against polytheism, corruption, immorality, oppression, and social injustice in order to save the weak, oppressed, and downtrodden.
In spite of the emphasis on the similarity of all religions and the need to respect all Prophets, there is a clear distinction between “us, Muslims” and “them, non-Muslims.” A borderline is defined without negating or shunning the “other” unless it is framed in a political context. The line of distinction is made clear when such topics as pilgrimage (hajj) and the “unity, power, and glory” of the Islamic community (umma) are mentioned. Schoolchildren learn that Muslims should unite despite differences is language, dialect, color, and race to “cut off the hands of foreigners and the enemies of Islam.” Textbooks emphasize that geographic borders among Islamic countries should not undermine the responsibility of wealthy, free, and advanced Muslim nations towards their poor, hungry, and unemployed brothers living in Islamic countries that are “colonized and in chain.” Division and disunity in the Islamic world is identified as the biggest danger facing Muslims since they need to stand united against the common enemy, i.e. “infidelity (kofr) and global oppression.”
The contradiction between asking Muslims to respect non-Muslims in a religious context while inviting them to unite against the common enemy is made more clear once one looks at the political context in which Muslims and non-Muslims, i.e. infidels, are staged against each other. While non-Muslim believers are respected for their religious faith, they are shunned once they act as the political enemies of the nation of Islam.
Religious studies books draw another line of demarcation between Muslims and non-Muslims vis-à-vis the independence of the former. Students learn that any transaction or liaison that results in the domination of a non-Muslim over a Muslim is null and prohibited (haram). Furthermore, according to Ayatollah Khomeini, any trade or non-trade relation that results in colonial rule over Islamic territories or political domination of foreigners/aliens (ajaneb) over Muslims is prohibited.
Yet another contradiction in the equal treatment of all religions
while, at the same time, pointing to the “superiority” of non-Muslims occurs in
the third grade religious studies textbooks when eight-year-old Iranians are
informed that Islam is “the best and most complete religion” and the Qur’an
teaches “us the best way of life.” In
fact, there is a blunt statement
telling young pupils that God will not accept those who have not chosen Islam,
and the ones who have accepted another religion or path will be “losers and
helpless in the afterlife.” Muslims are
also introduced as the ultimate winners since the twelfth Shi’i Imam will
finally appear and establish the “rule of Islam” throughout the world.
The ultimate goal of Iranian education is the formation of a politicized Shi’i identity that requires a young pupil to actively practice his/her religion; obey the Islamic decrees on all aspects of his/her public and private life; become a firm believer in the governance of the religious jurisprudent; and struggle to defend his/her faith against an ever present enemy that threatens Islam from inside or outside the country.
The formation of the politicized Shi’i identity is made possible by carefully delineating the “circles of inclusion and exclusion” in the minds of young Iranians so that they can identify “insiders” and “outsiders.” In present day Iran, religious affiliation and political loyalty determine who is included and who is excluded. The “circle of inclusion” is comprised of the community of believers in general and Muslims in particular. The “circle of exclusion,” on the other hand, is comprised of unbelievers and infidels (koffar) and the enemies of Islam, i.e. foreigners (especially the West) and “Westoxicated” nationals who serve the interests of the outsiders. The point of reference is at all times Islam and not Iran since religious identity is represented as tied to the umma not the nation-state. Insiders are Muslims, especially Shi’is. Outsiders are accepted and respected if they belong to the community of believers (including Jews and Christians) unless they act as an enemy. The criterion for an outsider to become an enemy is hostility towards Muslims through military aggression, political and economic domination, or cultural infiltration.
* This note is based on a paper titled “Religious Education and Identity Formation in Iranian Schools” presented by the author at Brown University in November 2003.